Unlike
the United States, Canadian courts do not have a political questions doctrine
and are not limited to actual controversies – it may issue opinions in
reference cases submitted by the government – and may also hear moot cases to
provide guidance for future situations. For example, the Federal Court heard a
case filed by the Canadian Civil Liberties Association against the government
for its use of emergency powers against protesting truckers. As a consequence,
when it comes to long-standing issues like federalism or the status of Quebec,
the Supreme Court of Canada becomes a participant in an ongoing negotiation
process between stakeholders. Here, the judiciary seems less separate from the
political (legislative and executive) branches of government.
The
legislative and executive branches of government themselves are not as distinct
in Canada as the in the United States (note, however, the Appointments Clause
of the United States Constitution empowers the Senate to interfere with the
President’s unbridled discretion to appoint cabinet members). In the United
States, the President may be hostile to Congress if Congress is controlled by a
different political party. Not only may the President seek to veto laws passed
by Congress, but there have also been (controversial) cases where the President
issued executive orders to not enforce or implement validly passed laws.
Members of Congress have tried to sue the President when this happened (but
courts often decline to intervene by citing the political questions doctrine).
There have been (controversial) situations where, when a law is challenged in
court, the Attorney General refused to argue for its validity because the
President has a different view of the law than the Congress that passed it.
Both above actions are considered legitimate if the law is unconstitutional.
But, because it bypasses an opportunity for judicial review, having the
President, in effect, make the determination of constitutionality seems to
conflict with the idea that such determinations are best left to the courts.
In
Canada, since the Prime Minister is the leader of the largest party in
Parliament (usually commanding a majority), there cannot be hostility between
the legislative and executive branches. Also, the cabinet consists of members
of Parliament, unlike in the United States where anybody can be appointed by
the President (with Senate confirmation). This also makes the executive branch
overlap with the legislative branch.
However,
in Canada, it is possible for a government to take a different view on a law
than a previous government. When such a law is challenged in court, the same
question arises whether the Attorney General is required to defend it. There
have been (controversial) situations of the Canadian Attorney General refusing
to do so and the Federal Court of Appeals has endorsed this decision. But if
the Attorney General is supposed to conduct an independent assessment of the
constitutionality of a statute, then this downgrades the authority of the Prime
Minister and raises the questions of whether the government would have to find
another lawyer to take the case if there is a difference of opinion between the
two. Merely relying on amicus curiae procedures may be insufficient to
represent the government’s interests in the controversy.
The
greater distinction between legislative and executive branches in the United
States compared to Canada means not only an extra competitive election race at
the federal level, but it also means an extra competitive election race at the
state level, since all the states share the same arrangement as the federal
level. This is exacerbated by the fact that Americans elect federal and state
senators, while Canadian senators are appointed (provinces have unicameral
legislatures), and the fact that Americans directly elect many other political
offices, such as attorney general and secretary of state, as well as
non-political offices, such as judges. The result is that American elections
are much more complex than Canadian elections.
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