In a previous blog post, we discussed how the Supreme Court
of Canada entrenched itself as a part of the Canadian constitution, thereby
making certain features (especially the jurisdiction of the court) not
amendable to change by an act of Parliament. It should be noted that this
brought the role of the Supreme Court of Canada in closer alignment with the
role of the Supreme Court in the United States under the U.S. Constitution. As
a result, Canada took a step away from the system of the United Kingdom, where
the prevailing doctrine is parliamentary supremacy, not judicial supremacy.
This means that, in the United Kingdom, courts may not invalidate an act of
parliament on the grounds that it breaches the constitution.
Of course, even before the Nadon
Reference that led to the entrenchment of the Supreme Court, Canada did not
practice the same notion of parliamentary supremacy as the United Kingdom. The
Supreme Court of Canada already was entitled to invalidate acts of Parliament
if they breached the Constitution, including the Charter of Rights and
Freedoms, but its jurisdiction was nonetheless thought to be created by an
ordinary act of Parliament rather than arising from the constitution.
In recent years, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom has
actually taken a step closer to Canada’s approach. In 2018, the Supreme Court
of the United Kingdom held that prohibiting same sex couples from entering into
civil partnerships was incompatible with the United Kingdom’s own Human Rights
Act. Although this declaration did not nullify the prohibition, Parliament of
the United Kingdom deferred to the opinion and amended the legislation. This
process was very similar to how the Parliament in Canada submits reference
questions to the Supreme Court. The Court’s answers to the reference questions
are not binding in themselves – an opinion that an act of parliament is
unconstitutional does not immediately render it invalid – but Parliament as a
matter of practice will take it seriously and it would be astonishing if ever
there would be a showdown between Parliament and the Supreme Court.
Evidently, the above arrangement suggests that the separation
between the judiciary and the legislature is not as clear cut in Canada (or the
United Kingdom) as they are in the United States. American courts typically
decline to take any case appearing to be a political question. This also shows
that American courts are better positioned to grant a remedy in cases where the
parties are seeking a monetary award, rather than merely a declaration of a
legislation’s nullity.
Another interesting discrepancy among the common law
countries is the structure of written court decisions. In decisions from the
United Kingdom, the views of individual judges are more prominent. But in the
United States, courts usually endeavor to unify the opinions of judges and
reduce redundant ideas presented individually – ideally by presenting a “per curiam” opinion. The idea is to create a jurisprudence of
the court as a body rather than having individual judges present their own
views.
In Canada, a litigating party may seek costs and pre-judgment
interest from the other party. The losing party pays the winning party for
their costs. The court takes into consideration: apportionment of liability,
the win/lose status of individual claims and whether sincere efforts to settle
out-of-court were made. The quantum of costs is up to the discretion of the
judge. Usually, it only partially compensates for the legal fees so even a
winning party will pay some part of legal fees out-of-pocket. The result is
that arguing over costs is a complex part of almost every lawsuit.
In the United States, generally, litigants pay their own
costs, unless there is a contractual term providing otherwise. A judge might
make an exception for a frivolous lawsuit.
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